Vigil at the Twilight of Copenhagen

Clayton from the Indigenous caucus performing at vigil, photo by Kris Krug

Clayton from the Indigenous caucus performing at vigil, photo by Kris Krug

I just came back from an earth-shaking vigil tonight in Copenhagen. This is the twilight of my time here– with only one day left in the conference, nothing seemed to come of it. It has seemed to fail. Many of us organizers have also started to lose hope that any fair and binding agreement will come out of this process.

Yesterday, I witnessed my good friend, Joshua Kahn-Russel of the Rainforest Action Network, get bludgeoned in the face by police officers. He, along with the rest of us, weren’t trying to get into the Bella Center. We weren’t compromising the safety of World leaders inside. We just wanted to access the street across the bridge, where those who could not get into the center were waiting for us. Where we would have converged, we were going to hold a “People’s Assembly,” to create the kind of treaty that we would have wanted to come from our leaders.

But, the police would not let us cross that bridge. We attempted to negotiate with them. They told us that if we were to pass, we would risk arrest down the line. We accepted this, and attempted to walk past them. But, they blocked the way, and started beating those they could reach. After a while of scuffling, we started to retreat. As we did, they circled around the activists in the front, trapping them. They started to wail down on them gratuitously.

This is when the conference rules stopped becoming about “protecting the safety of those inside the Bella Center,” but more about preserving power. In a larger sense, I think it showed how scared the elites are of us: They simply would not let us assemble, even though at this point we were far from the center.

After half of the public transportation shut down to impede Copenhagen’s visitors without private limos to access the center, we have escalated our tactics. Not with violence, but with peace.

This is why I fasted today. More generally, like most of those fasting today with me, it was to fast in solidarity with those who can not access food. This is not only due to climate change in itself, but the corrupt food system, which is making it more and more difficult for people on both sides of the equation to find something nourishing to their bodies in the midst of “development.”

But I also fasted because as an “observer” here at Copenhagen, I had run out of ideas. Nothing else seemed important enough or effective enough to do at this juncture.

The police have attempted to take away our rights. The city and the UN process has taken away our access, barring us from the process. But this in itself says something. It shows they are threatened, that they are scared, and that we are a voice to be reckoned with.

The failure of Copenhagen, like what was said at the vigil, is not a complete failure. They have not won. We have succeeded in shifting the power so that those vulnerable to the decisions of the rich and powerful have been elevated: this time their voice was heard by the world, loud and clear. People like President Mohammud Nasheed of the Maldives have helped strengthen the youth movement in this way, by lending us his voice and giving us hope in the possibility of leadership.

Copenhagen may be a failure, but if we can keep our strength up until the end, we will have gained some ground in this battle for humanity. My love and gratitude goes out to everyone that is here with me, and all over the world, striving everyday to make it a better place.

(Photo credit: Kris Krug)

Facing the future at Development and Climate Days

by David G Matyas

Two metro stops from the official COP15 conference, away from the debates over degrees and parts per million, is a side event with a humbler objective. Far from discussions of what an “acceptable” level of warming means on paper, participants in this basement studio at the Copenhagen Koncerthuse are trying to manage what 0.7 degrees already feels like – what 2 degrees will look like on the ground. In these halls, there’s no such thing as “business as usual.” In these halls business is already unusual and even with a “best case scenario,” things are about to get a lot worse. Welcome to the Development and Climate Days.

Founded at COP8 in Delhi, this side event has gained relevance and importance over the years, expanding from one to four days. Bringing together individuals and organizations already attending the official conference, it broaches issues like justice, humanitarian relief and poverty. For the participants at this event, and the people they represent, waiting is not an option: Climate change is here and adaptation is now. In Nepal and Uganda, India and Tuvalu, no scientist is needed to tell the people that their environment is changing. As Atiq Rahman, founder of the Bangladesh Centre for Advanced Studies, said on the third day of the event, “In Bangladesh, climate change has a taste. It tastes of salt.”

The immediacy of climate change in these regions makes the questions discussed at this side event sharply practical. How do we finance necessary changes? How can Community Based Adaptation be best fostered and supported? How can we involve children in the adaptation process? They are questions that those in the business of development have struggled with for decades, questions that are built on shaky foundations and with weak machinery. But even if we manage to find good answers to these questions, there is still a gap. There is still a space between where adaptation takes us and how far warming requires us to go.

Ideally, with effective adaptation and ambitious reduction targets, the size of this gap can be diminished. The number of people that slip through the cracks can be… minimized. In a poorer situation, however, with weak reduction targets and mis-adaptation, a fissure could emerge of frightening proportions. It is frightening because it will not only be lives that are lost, not only land that disappears. On the last day of the Development and Climate Days, President Nasheed of the Maldives received a question on what he thought of migration. A young man from Bangladesh, amongst the long, complex and at times verbose questions asked quite simply, “What do you think of migration?” President Nasheed gave the following response:

“In terms of migration… I can move. But you can’t take all the butterflies. You can’t take the language, you can’t take the culture, you can’t take the songs, you can’t take the colour and you can’t take everything that is you.”

Climate change policy has a place in election agendas

by Pratik Mandrekar

Developing countries have a number of key issues to deal with in every election, encompassing the basic amenities like drinking water, electricity, public transport, employment opportunities, sanitation and garbage disposal.  Frequent protests against industrial setups like the case of the Tata Nano (the world’s cheapest car) in Singur, West Bengal or the case of a polluting copper recycling plant in Goa are detrimental to the growth of the industry as well as the environment. However, in a democratic setup like India’s, climate change policies can be very well incorporated in election agendas as profitable business models beneficial to citizens, industrial development and the environment.

A domestic garbage dump in town, Margao, India (Photo credit: Pratik Mandrekar)

A domestic garbage dump in town, Margao, India (Photo credit: Pratik Mandrekar)

As has been demonstrated by the proceedings of the COP 15 climate talks, no single state is willing to take responsibility for mitigating climate change. The problem here is in believing the conventional wisdom that climate change control policies will always cost more than existing technologies, and essentially are equivalent to a large scale subsidy that would burden the state exchequer. Conventional wisdom need not always be right.

Consider this: venture capitalists have been investing in green tech companies at a rate which has made it the third largest investment class in India. There are a large number of companies in the private sector who are making (or saving, as you may see it) a lot of money from going green.  Incorporating these changes into everyday lives of citizens is something that our elected representatives can achieve. Several initiatives in this direction, ranging from using >ICT to minimize travel costs and its related environmental offsets to using solar powered musical instruments are not only innovative ways to get attention, but also sound economics. A lot of movement in this direction has taken place in India too, many of it with support from the government. It’s time this moves from being an occasional exception to an everyday phenomenon discussed along the same lines as garbage disposal, unemployment and public transport.

The problems of land sustainability and employment for people living in lands where unpredictable monsoons and other activities have rendered them unsuitable for cultivation can be sorted by using the land for biofuel production. Cleanstar uses women’s groups, idle unsuitable land and technology to grow hardy species of trees to yield inedible oil for biofuel in automobiles and seedcakes for biofertilizers and biogas. The phasing out of CFCs harmful to the ozone layer (which was one of the goals of the Kyoto Protocol) meant new innovative techniques for heating and cooling needed to be invented. Unidyne is a company that now showcases how environmental sustainability can be a very profitable business model, too. ARTI-INDIA has a working project that coverts our country’s usual organic wastes into charcoal, while Ankur Scientific is another leading company in biomass gasification –  using solid wastes to produce gas for electrification and household consumption.  In the transportation sector, several companies like Eko Vehicles are producing excellent vehicles on all scales that are extremely cost efficient and environmental friendly. Water desalination, solar thermal energy generation and using soft power for logistics and automation in efficient grid and energy utility management are growing areas where government can effectively use its capabilities to consult with different industrial sectors.

The policy part of climate change and environmental sustainability has been debated upon, and several frameworks like the Union Government’s National Missions on Climate Change have been adopted.  However the real change will only come when solutions like the ones elaborated in the earlier paragraph are implemented as enablers for the key development issues. Himachal Pradesh, an Indian state in the Himalayas, has adopted and implemented several such measures which include:

  • Banning of plastic carry bags, which have been replaced with local alternatives.
  • Strengthened management of municipal solid wastes.
  • Co-processing of plastic waste in cement kilns and use of plastic waste in road construction.
  • Rain water harvesting in all buildings, energy auditing and harnessing revenues through Carbon credit sales on the Mid-Himalayan Watershed project.

This clearly shows the feasibility of incorporating climate change policy as a solution to existing problems, rather than treating it as an additional burden. Also, e-waste like mobile phones which are exponentially growing in numbers in India can be an excellent opportunity for revenue generation through recycling of the precious metals, retrofitting for use in disaster management or simply reuse. Recycling 1 million cell phones can save enough energy to power 185 million households in the US, save 240,000 tonnes of raw materials including precious metals like (Tantalum-Niobium) whose extraction has led to the exploitation of Congo in Africa.

We need politicians who would think like the managers of the green tech companies and understand both the need and the benefits of incorporating strategies like the ones described here to deal with the everyday problems of their electorate – which, not incidentally, would at the same time ensure long-term environmental and climate sustainability. The discussions of the foremost leaders in the world may not be able to reach a conclusion in Copenhagen. Clearly, though, a distributed global strategy in every part of the world, which accepts climate change as an interesting business opportunity that would bring welfare to its state, would do the world a whole lot of good and help make better use of the funds pledged at the summit.

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